The Paradise Kashmir once was
Kashmir has turned into battlefield; the genuine political struggle for the unification of Kashmir and the demand for right to self determination are long forgotten
Waseem Gashroo
I was born in Kashmir. I belong to a place known for its hospitality, a place that has a history of composite culture and religious tolerance. In fact, Islam did not arrive in Kashmir through the sword. It was introduced by mystics and Sufis who conquered the hearts of the people.
Where a Hindu neighbour greets his Muslim neighbour on Eid and vice versa, where brotherhood survives through centuries and there is no discrimination on name of religion, caste, creed or colour.
However, I was born at a time when militancy broke out in Kashmir; being a kid I witnessed chaos, turmoil and confusion. I grew up in the situation where most of the male family members used to go underground to avoid arrests with or without any reason. The place I belong to is on the banks of river Jhelum. I dreamed a happy and joyful life and even prayed for the return of peace.
The first bomb explosion that rocked Kashmir took place in 1988. People thought it was the outcome of a small political feud, although everybody knew the pot was boiling after years of political discontent. That September a young man, Ajaz Dar, died in an encounter. A group of young Kashmiri rebels decided to take arms and fight out the Indian state. They had dreamt of an independent Kashmir free from India and Pakistan. Although this young man was not the first Kashmiri to die fighting for this cause, his death was the beginning of new era which was tragic in nature. This dream is still alive and after two decades young and old, male and female still demands the independence.
The death of Maqbool Bhat opened the floodgates. People felt the word “LAW” only remains in the books and never implemented in the practical life, even Maqbool Bhat himself said “My death will bring revolution in Kashmir”.
India's most wanted Kashmiri militant and Chief of United Jihad Council, Syed Salahudin, once contested the assembly election from Srinagar, nor that, unofficially, he was winning by a good margin. When the elections were rigged, he lost not only the election but faith in the process. His polling agents and supporters were arrested and tortured; most of them later became militants. Violence was introduced amid growing dissent against India and hundreds of young people joined the armed movement. Kashmir was changing.
I had just started schooling; the surrounding situation seemed disturbing the education system and every sphere of life, I took it as in childish mood because imagining such a huge political disturbance was not an easy job at the age of five or six. Then gradually I became conscious about the happening around me, I came to know through my family member that we had an uncle who became victim of enforced disappearance in early nineties. That was a chocking incident in our family; every family member searched him from pillar to post but all in vain, every morning, each one of us would do the rounds of the security force camps to look for him. Authorities first submitted that he is in their custody then refused it. I witnessed the brutality of security forces, ruthlessly beat whole of our family at our home when we protested their demands to arrest our second uncle. This was the time when every Kashmiri was seen as a suspect because of AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act). In “disturbed areas” the army and paramilitary forces are granted sweeping powers of arrest, search without warrants under section 4 of the armed forces (Jammu & Kashmir) powers act, 1990. The special powers extended by the law are the objects of great misuse. Dozens of people were killed in cold blood but labelled as terrorists.
For India, the future of Kashmir is non-negotiable - it is an 'integral part' of the country, the only Muslim majority state in the union and thus a cornerstone of its democracy and secular credentials. India always called the rebellion a Pakistan sponsored terrorist movement, while Pakistan projected it as a movement- a struggle. For Pakistan, Kashmir is also important because the majority of its population is Muslim - it is Pakistan's 'jugular vein', and an unfinished task of the Partition. With these claims on Kashmir, both countries have choked the voice of Kashmiris. The Indian government has reacted with an iron fist, deployed large numbers of security men and turned Kashmir into one massive jail.
I remember the night when security forces cordoned off our village and made announcement of crackdown on loudspeakers, the chilling winter breeze almost stopped the breath of people, for two consecutive days, our village school ground was made a massive jail without roof.
Kashmir was turned into battlefield, its warriors brought in the agendas to transcend the demand for self-determination. In the process, the genuine political struggle for the unification of Kashmir and the demand of the people that they should be allowed to decide their own future was forgotten. Kashmir was given a flashpoint between two countries and not because Kashmiris were suffering.
The State elections in 1996, apparently aimed at ensuring a representative government in Kashmir was nothing but a farce activity. The man who was elected was Farooq Abdullah, the son of Kashmir's legendary Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.
I belong to Kashmir's cursed generation - the youth of the 90s. I have lived all those troubled years in Kashmir. I have lost normal human feelings. I am immune to the death; I have developed an inability to mourn.
And it seems that the outside world too is unable to feel the pain of Kashmir. Kashmir is like a trading market now, where everyone tries his luck. Kashmir is divided into three parts: one held by Pakistan, another by China and rest is under India. After more than 100,000 deaths, there still appears to be no headway towards peace. Nobody knows the actual identity of a Kashmiri. The international community needs to resolve issues between India and Pakistan.
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