Memoriam In Cricket !!!!

Majid Maqbool

Twice selected to represent J&K in Ranji Trophy, Fayaz was 19 when he disappeared in custody. His family has kept his memory alive through an annual cricket tournament in his name in Baramulla. Majid Maqbool heard the family narrate the story of grief, loss and pride.

As a young boy Fayaz Ahmad Gashoo was passionate about sports, particularly cricket. An all-round cricketer all through his high school and college years, he could bowl as fast as the West Indian fast bowler Malcolm Marshal earning him a nickname “Fayaz Marshal” in Baramulla and “Fayaz Fire” in Srinagar.

Fayaz was selected twice to play in Ranji trophy. On a Saturday afternoon of May 19, 1990 he was waiting near a court complex in Sopore to board a bus to reach his home in Baramulla. A CRPF convoy that was passing by swooped on him and picked him up. Fayaz has never been seen since.

His family is unable to reconcile with the loss. Fayaz has disappeared but his family believes he has been killed.
At their residence in Khawaja Bagh, Baramulla, Fayaz’s elder brother opens a grey briefcase - a briefcase full of memories, containing certificates, photographs and documents related to his disappearance. In one envelope - “yadien” written on its cover – pictures of Fayaz holding trophies he won in different cricket tournaments before he disappeared in CRPF custody in 1990.

In some pictures, he is smiling in the company of his college friends and teammates. Other pictures show Fayaz in a skiing gear on a snowy slope with his friends in Gulmarg. In other pictures he is receiving the man of the match trophy and shaking hands with dignitaries. Surrounded by his teammates, he is seen jubilantly holding up the trophy. One envelope from the briefcase reveals a newspaper cutting of Fayaz, mentioning his achievement in the caption:

“Fayaz Ahmad, B.A part 1 - All round best player of the year, 1987.” Fayaz’s mother has been in a state of shock since the day he disappeared. She cannot stand the sight of cricket matches shown on television. She cannot bring herself to talk about her son, her elder sons say. Fayaz’s elder brothers have to conceal all his photos, clothes and other belongings from her. They can not talk of Fayaz in front of her. She never passes from the college cricket ground where Fayaz used to practice. She avoids places Fayaz would frequent.

On a cold day in December, 1989, Fayaz Ahmad left home. He told his brothers that he was going for skiing in Gulmarg. He was 19 then, a teenager. That year armed rebellion had broken out in Kashmir against Indian rule, and many of Fayaz’s friends had crossed the LoC. Fayaz, too, crossed the border without informing his family. He returned after 3 months. “We didn’t know that he had crossed the border as he never told us,” says his elder brother. “Those who had gone with him sent some of his belongings home and that is how we came to know about it.”

After he returned in March 1990, his brother says, Fayaz came home only three times. “He would stay at home for a brief time and wouldn’t talk about what he did during those three months.”

A second year commerce student in Baramulla Degree College, Fayaz resumed studies in college after his return.

On May 19, 1990, Fayaz was waiting for a vehicle near a college in Sopore. Notebook in hand, he was headed home. Eyewitnesses later told the family that a CRPF convoy that was passing by made a brief halt, some troopers came down, and he was taken away. His notebook dropped on the street.

Fayaz’s family came to know about his arrest four days after his disappearance. Another young man, who was detained along with Fayaz in a CRPF camp, had somehow escaped. He later sent a message to the family that Fayaz was held by the 50 battalion of CRPF in their camp in Sopore.

“The officer in charge of that camp Kripal Singh denied having arrested Fayaz,” says his brother. Months later, another friend of Fayaz, who was also held in the same camp had more bad news for the family. He was later sent to Tihar and after his release from there a few months later, he told the family that Fayaz was tortured inside the CRPF camp in Sopore.

“He had heard cries of Fayaz in the camp,” Fayaz’s brothers recalled. “He told us later that Fayaz was abused by a CRPF officer who was interrogating Fayaz inside the camp.” After an altercation, he heard a few gunshots. And then there was silence, the friend had told Fayaz’s family.
“If they have killed our brother, we don’t know where they kept his dead body,” said his brother, eyes brimming with tears. “If he is dead, they should at least have handed over his dead body to us.”

After the custodial disappearance of Fayaz, his brothers approached CRPF and army camps all across the valley. They searched in every jail in the valley. They also went searching to jails in Rajasthan. But no trace.

“If someone spoke of having seen him in some jail, we would immediately rush there,” says his elder brother. For three months in 1990, the brother hired a taxi and went to every CRPF camp and approached every CRPF officer stationed in the valley.

Fayaz’s family says the CRPF and Army kept harassing the family in the years after his disappearance. They would ask for the gun of Fayaz. Every time the family told them that they don’t know anything about the gun. They had never seen Fayaz carrying any weapon.

One evening in 1994, a group of soldiers raided their house. “They asked all the men to come out. But we told them that the women will also come out and then they can search the house,” says Gul Mohammad, the elder brother of Fayaz. The army men got angry on this. “They beat all of us, including children, old men and women,” the brothers recall.

On the same day one of their younger brother, Bashir Ahmad Gashoo, was taken away by the army. “He was released after 10 days in half-dead condition,” says his elder brother Gul Mohammad Gashoo. “He was severely tortured in the nearby army camp. He could not even stand after his release and he was unable to talk for months.”

Gul Mohammad has kept pictures showing torture marks on his brother’s body. “He had to be hospitalized and was brought home after 3 months of treatment in SKIMS.”

As a teenager Fayaz was fearless. He wouldn’t tolerate any curbs on his freedom. During his high school student days, he was walking on a curfewed road in Baramulla. His brothers say a police officer, who was driving by in a police gypsy, stopped Fayaz in his tracks and rebuked him. He asked Fayaz to get lost and stay at home. “Fayaz got so angry on this that he slapped the police officer,” recalls his elder brother. “He told the police officer that he cannot stop him from walking on the road.” Fayaz had to be kept in hiding for a month to prevent his arrest.

Fayaz’s brothers remember him as a brave young boy who loved playing cricket. Endowed with the physique of an athlete, he was the tallest among all his three brothers. At 17, Fayaz was selected twice to represent J&K state in Ranji trophy in 1987 and 1989.

One day Fayaz had gone to Srinagar to play in a tournament. “He had no money to return home,” recalls his elder brother. “He slept beneath a Chinar tree in the same ground where he played during the day. Next morning, he got up and played in another match in the same ground,” his brother recalls his enthusiasm for cricket with a poignant smile.

Most of the matches he played Fayaz would win the man of the match award. “He is the only player in Baramulla who once hit a ball so hard that it landed on the street outside the Baramulla degree college,” recalls his brother. He says when people would come to know that Fayaz is batting or bowling, they would assemble in huge numbers inside the college ground just to watch him play. “People would even come from far off villages in buses to cheer him on.”

After Fayaz’s custodial disappearance, his brothers kept his memory alive. They started an annual cricket tournament “Fayaz Memorial” cricket cup in 1997. It was a tribute to a promising young cricketer. Every year some of the best cricket teams in Baramula compete in the memorial tournament. Fayaz’s elder brothers give out trophies to the best teams and the most promising players. Had he been allowed to live, his brothers say, he would have brought more laurels and made his homeland proud.

“Whenever I see a dream, I see Fayaz playing cricket in his college ground,” says Gul Muhammad. His room is adorned with all the trophies of Fayaz. He has even preserved one of the worn out cricket balls Fayaz played with.

“Whatever respect we have earned among people here, it is because of Fayaz,” his brothers say in unison. “We’re known more as Fayaz’s brothers.”
“And we will never forget what was done to our brother.

Click here for the published article on Kashmir Life.

THE LOST CRICKETER OF VARMUL

The power to take a person into custody seems an evitable character of the very conception of a state. This tremendous power needs strong checks to ensure that the exercise does not turn tyrannical and despotic. Communication of the reason of arrest, information to relatives and friends as to the place of detention, production before an independent judicial authority, right to adequate legal help, right not to be tortured in custody, presumption of innocence and a fair trail are some of the checks placed on the power to take into custody.
The enforced Disappearances in Kashmir started in 1989, following the outbreak of armed conflict. The heavy deployment of security forces as part of the effort to suppress the movement for independence has contributed fundamentally to this problem.
This is the story of a lost cricketer of varmul town who was arrested by 50 B.N C.R.P.F. and later he was disappeared in custody. Being a writer it was a very tiring job for me to script the story of this cricketer.
FAYAZ Ahmad Gashroo. S/o Ghulam Ahmad Gashroo. R/o Khawaja Bagh Baramulla. Aged: 20. Occupation: Student. Fayaz was a bold person, well built and tall. His brilliant performance in the cricket fields did win him fame but not enough to seduce a writer to write the biography of fayaz. Fayaz was often seen on the front pages of the local dailies before 1990 for his performance in cricket but in 1990 his news rocked the Kashmir dailies, it was not because of cricket, the game that gave him fame and for which he donated his whole life for, but he was in news because of his mysterious disappearance in custody.
Fayaz a B.A. final student and a brilliant cricket player was arrested by CRPF 50th battalion personnel’s headed by commandant kirpal singh took him to some unknown camp. We remained unaware of this unfortunate incident says Fayaz’s elder brother. After about 20 to 30 days some people informed us about the arrest but we were unaware what has done with Fayaz. It was the unfortunate Saturday of our life on 19th may, 1990, when on the day he was arrested near court complex sopore on the way from his relatives to home.
Cricket is called the gentleman’s game and Fayaz proved it. He always respected the game as it was his profession now. He had played various ranji trophies representing Jammu and Kashmir. The trophies and medals that he won for his best performances in cricket lies in his home. One of the friend and his team mate said, He was crazy of cricket, an all rounder. He was named as Fayaz Marshall because of fast bowling style like of West Indian seemer Malcolm Marshall. He was our team captain representing B.C.C blues; He always smashed the ball by his bat on the hill or the national highways which lies in Government boys college baramulla’s ground. He was a great sportsman but this unfortunate event lost our hope on cricket now.
Fayaz’s home people neither filed an F.I.R nor a writ petition because of the force that was made on them by security forces that was made on them by security forces. Instead they approached kirpal singh, the commandant of crpf, who first accepted that he had arrested fayaz, later refused so. He could not satisfy Fayaz’s home people. The home people of fayaz managed to get a letter from higher official of CRPF. This irritated the kirpal singh who later denied the arrest. However scores people witnessed kirpal singh arresting Fayaz on that fateful day but kirpal singh did not accepted their argument. A letter no: SCB/2106, dated 24/9/1990 from special commissioner baramulla directed the then director general of police to provide necessary information to the relatives of the whereabouts of Fayaz. Another letter from district magistrate baramulla no: DPB/242/3rd/90, dated 24/9/90 to the additional chief secretary (home) J&K government to release Fayaz Ahmad Gashroo, but all in vain.
The high-up in the administration were approached but they could not render any help. The search of Fayaz still continued. Fayaz’s home people says, Every jail, interrogation center was searched but fayaz was not found. Fayaz’s Home people met the international Red Cross team during their visit to the valley. They assured Fayaz’s relatives that proper step will be taken but all in vain.
From pillar to post the search of fayaz is still going on, as we have not received his mortal, we cant declare him dead, he is alive in our hearts, it seems that in next minute Fayaz will come home back from the cricket ground as he told his mother that he going to play cricket match in nearby ground, these are the words of his old mother. In an interview to some journalist in mid 90’s, Fayaz’s elder brother said, “if fayaz was a militant, the democratic Indian government should have challaned him and tried him in an open court as required by Indian law itself. They arrest Kashmiri’s for violating laws, aren’t they violating the laws themselves by resorting to such mean practices”.
Two decades has passed but the whereabouts of Fayaz is still missing. The family of fayaz faced hardships during 90’s. Each brother of Fayaz was tortured by security forces, because they were the brothers of Fayaz and they were trying to find their loving and little brother.
A person namely Kaship Shawl (name changed) who was arrested during these days when Fayaz was also arrested, luckily kaship escaped from the prison who informed the family members of Fayaz that he lost his life in the interrogation center while CRPF personnel’s tortured him. Since from that day family member of Fayaz used to 19th may as the black day in their lives, because they don’t know the exact day when he was killed, but they used the day when he was arrested.
Several human rights organization tried to highlight the issue of fayaz but they were handcuffed. In March 2007, India’s most noted journalist and the editor of NDTV, Barkha Dutt came Fayaz home to cover the story of Fayaz, no doubt Fayaz’s issue was telecasted on national channel but the agencies involved in this incident remained dumb as they don’t have the words to explain the issue.
Enscipting these stories of the youths of Kashmir who disappeared wont bring them home back, but we are just trying to sympathize with the families of those people, giving assurance that their loved ones and their issues has not been thrown in dustbin. Elder brother of Fayaz told Barkha Dutt that if Fayaz is alive he will come home some day but if he is dead we will meet him in the next world after death (HEAVEN). After along breath taken by the family members of Fayaz, they said excuse me and thank you and rest leave us on our situation…

From "One lost paradise to The paradise kashmir that was"?

The Paradise Kashmir once was

Kashmir has turned into battlefield; the genuine political struggle for the unification of Kashmir and the demand for right to self determination are long forgotten
Waseem Gashroo
I was born in Kashmir. I belong to a place known for its hospitality, a place that has a history of composite culture and religious tolerance. In fact, Islam did not arrive in Kashmir through the sword. It was introduced by mystics and Sufis who conquered the hearts of the people.
Where a Hindu neighbour greets his Muslim neighbour on Eid and vice versa, where brotherhood survives through centuries and there is no discrimination on name of religion, caste, creed or colour.
However, I was born at a time when militancy broke out in Kashmir; being a kid I witnessed chaos, turmoil and confusion. I grew up in the situation where most of the male family members used to go underground to avoid arrests with or without any reason. The place I belong to is on the banks of river Jhelum. I dreamed a happy and joyful life and even prayed for the return of peace.
The first bomb explosion that rocked Kashmir took place in 1988. People thought it was the outcome of a small political feud, although everybody knew the pot was boiling after years of political discontent. That September a young man, Ajaz Dar, died in an encounter. A group of young Kashmiri rebels decided to take arms and fight out the Indian state. They had dreamt of an independent Kashmir free from India and Pakistan. Although this young man was not the first Kashmiri to die fighting for this cause, his death was the beginning of new era which was tragic in nature. This dream is still alive and after two decades young and old, male and female still demands the independence.
The death of Maqbool Bhat opened the floodgates. People felt the word “LAW” only remains in the books and never implemented in the practical life, even Maqbool Bhat himself said “My death will bring revolution in Kashmir”.
India's most wanted Kashmiri militant and Chief of United Jihad Council, Syed Salahudin, once contested the assembly election from Srinagar, nor that, unofficially, he was winning by a good margin. When the elections were rigged, he lost not only the election but faith in the process. His polling agents and supporters were arrested and tortured; most of them later became militants. Violence was introduced amid growing dissent against India and hundreds of young people joined the armed movement. Kashmir was changing.
I had just started schooling; the surrounding situation seemed disturbing the education system and every sphere of life, I took it as in childish mood because imagining such a huge political disturbance was not an easy job at the age of five or six. Then gradually I became conscious about the happening around me, I came to know through my family member that we had an uncle who became victim of enforced disappearance in early nineties. That was a chocking incident in our family; every family member searched him from pillar to post but all in vain, every morning, each one of us would do the rounds of the security force camps to look for him. Authorities first submitted that he is in their custody then refused it. I witnessed the brutality of security forces, ruthlessly beat whole of our family at our home when we protested their demands to arrest our second uncle. This was the time when every Kashmiri was seen as a suspect because of AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act). In “disturbed areas” the army and paramilitary forces are granted sweeping powers of arrest, search without warrants under section 4 of the armed forces (Jammu & Kashmir) powers act, 1990. The special powers extended by the law are the objects of great misuse. Dozens of people were killed in cold blood but labelled as terrorists.
For India, the future of Kashmir is non-negotiable - it is an 'integral part' of the country, the only Muslim majority state in the union and thus a cornerstone of its democracy and secular credentials. India always called the rebellion a Pakistan sponsored terrorist movement, while Pakistan projected it as a movement- a struggle. For Pakistan, Kashmir is also important because the majority of its population is Muslim - it is Pakistan's 'jugular vein', and an unfinished task of the Partition. With these claims on Kashmir, both countries have choked the voice of Kashmiris. The Indian government has reacted with an iron fist, deployed large numbers of security men and turned Kashmir into one massive jail.
I remember the night when security forces cordoned off our village and made announcement of crackdown on loudspeakers, the chilling winter breeze almost stopped the breath of people, for two consecutive days, our village school ground was made a massive jail without roof.
Kashmir was turned into battlefield, its warriors brought in the agendas to transcend the demand for self-determination. In the process, the genuine political struggle for the unification of Kashmir and the demand of the people that they should be allowed to decide their own future was forgotten. Kashmir was given a flashpoint between two countries and not because Kashmiris were suffering.
The State elections in 1996, apparently aimed at ensuring a representative government in Kashmir was nothing but a farce activity. The man who was elected was Farooq Abdullah, the son of Kashmir's legendary Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.
I belong to Kashmir's cursed generation - the youth of the 90s. I have lived all those troubled years in Kashmir. I have lost normal human feelings. I am immune to the death; I have developed an inability to mourn.
And it seems that the outside world too is unable to feel the pain of Kashmir. Kashmir is like a trading market now, where everyone tries his luck. Kashmir is divided into three parts: one held by Pakistan, another by China and rest is under India. After more than 100,000 deaths, there still appears to be no headway towards peace. Nobody knows the actual identity of a Kashmiri. The international community needs to resolve issues between India and Pakistan.

=====End=====

Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances

 ENFORCED OR INVOLUNTARY DISAPPEARANCES (EID)

Waseem Gashroo 

Over the past 20 years forensic experts have been contracted or subcontracted to investigate mass graves by truth commissions, local courts and international tribunal, local and international human rights and family associations in more than forty countries across the globe.

         Jammu and Kashmir has also witnessed “enforced or involuntary disappearances” from over last two decades. The war waged by Kashmir’s against Indian occupational forces from 1989 has produced an immense humanitarian crisis in Kashmir. According to official figures more than 35000 people have been died in the ongoing struggle, but the human rights groups scripts the figure at around 75000, primarily in the age group of 18-35, detention and torture of more than 65000 persons, massacre, custodial killings, fake encounters, rape and molestation are some of the shocking results of this violent campaign of state terrorism carried by Indian occupational forces.

        In vast majority of cases EID (enforced or involuntary disappearances) people were detained during crackdowns, some persons were arrested as the only male members found in their homes during cordon and search operations. The Army, S.O.G, and government sponsored gunmen (ikhwanis) working with army have also been abducting people whose whereabouts remain unknown to this day. There are so many cases where unarmed kashmiris after detention have been killed in the false encounters at different places and labeled as foreign militants.

     A rough estimate says at least 2 lakh relatives of disappeared persons have been putting in untiring efforts to ascertain the whereabouts of their dear ones. Global human rights groups like Amnesty international and Asia Watch have been time and again denied permission to visit Kashmir.

     Commenting on the reason of disappearances in its February 1999 report, Amnesty international says,” Most of the people appear to be arbitrarily detained during crackdowns without any discernible reason. Some are arrested as the only male member found in their homes during raids; others appear to be involved in an armed opposition group to surrender. The most common motive for disappearing people in custody appears to be to intimidate young people not to join militancy or to frighten the general population not to shelter or associate themselves with the members of armed opposition groups”.

    Disappearances are a worldwide phenomenon. Human rights activists say that the phenomenon, as a war weapon, is prevalent in about 63 countries world over. United Nations general assembly’s declaration of December 18th 1992 states in its preamble “Enforced disappearances undermines the deepest values of any society committed to respect for the rule of law, human rights and fundamental freedoms, the systematic practice of such acts is of the nature of a crime against humanity”.

     Disappearances in Kashmir have an unparallel state in terms of fear, anxiety, and fatigue on the relatives of the victims. More importantly, the rate is increasing alarmingly of the half widows who resulted in a set of social dilemmas and financial stress to their families and the majority of those who got missing in custody were the bread earners for their families.

     I say enforced disappearances are a crime against victims and their relatives, but the United Nations general assembly has gone a step further. It has declared as a crime against humanity. There is a need to evolve a well thought out mechanism to fight out this human rights abuse which is desperately found wanting. The families of disappeared persons have united together under various banners. There is a need, urgent need to evolve such mechanism. These victims demand justice, not charity, isn’t that? This is a billion dollar question in itself……

 

Has justice been delivered?

While the justice is delivered to the victims of train carnage, justice to the post Godhra riots victims is either delayed or deniedWASEEM GASHROO

Sentencing eleven people to death and 20 others for life term, special trial court has finally delivered justice after 9 years to the victims of Sabarmati Express. But is justice really delivered, well that’s a puzzle to solve.

Going back in history, the communal riots that broke out in Gujarat between Hindus and Muslims that followed just after the train carnage left more than 1200 people dead i.e. the deaths of about 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus. Why were the kar sevaks mostly attacked in the Godhra train who were coming back from the Ayodhya? Kar sevaks (Hindu religious volunteers) on their way back from a ceremony organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad at the disputed Ram Janmabhoomi / Babri Mosque site. Here it seems that the train carnage has its roots connected to the issue of Babri Masjid demolition. The court of additional session judge itself said, “The motive of murders was anger against kar sevaks, who were coming back from ayodhya”.  A rumour spread that a Muslim girl had been abducted, which was later found to be baseless made the time so violent.
 The riots that broke out after Godhra train carnage led to huge massacre in Gujarat. Well the court has brought the culprits of train carnage to book but who were the people who lead to such massacre in post Godhra riots, who were the perpetrators behind this anti-human act, this is the question that the judiciary has to deliver and make it public.
Denial of justice to the victims of post Godhra victims may fuel the feelings that justice is not balanced against the countries minorities. The Gujarat Government, in consultation with Central Government appointed Justice Nanavati and Shah to investigate Godhra and post-Godhra incidents. Nanavati Commission took a lot of time in talking to thousands of people including victims and eye-witnesses, interviewed thousands in an independent manner, and finally concluded that Godhra carnage was not an accident but the coach was set on fire by a mob, allegedly Muslims. They also gave a clean chit to Narendra Modi and noted that the efforts done by Government to take control of the situation were appreciable. But it is believed that some Hindu radical groups are behind the riots. They are enjoying their life and are roaming freely. By this verdict several sections of society raised their eye brows and are questioning why justice to post-godhra riots victims is delayed. And it is the same court which has acquitted Maulana Hassan Umarji, who was regarded as the “prime accused” or the “mastermind” of the train burning plot.
Calling the investigation “dubious” and the judgment “lopsided”, human rights activist Swami Agnivesh said the verdict would be challenged in the high court. The question whose answer everybody wants to know is how investigating agencies have summed up their theory of train carnage so fast and yet failing to nab the perpetrators of post Godhra massacre? Here the justice is delivered to the victims of train carnage and justice to the post Godhra riots victims is either delayed or denied.
Whom can we blame this time, politicians who are trying to secure these killer’s for their personal interest or the investigating agencies which are still far away to nab them or the judiciary which is bound by political system?
Summing up all questions, we need to take an initiative to maintain the communal harmony. This is one of the worst communal riots in independent India and the verdict itself, sentencing highest number of death sentences in any rioting and murder case.

Media in conflict zone Kashmir

Media in conflict zone Kashmir 

 Mohammad Waseem Gashroo

Whether it is electronic media or print media their objective is to present a situation to the audience or reader as objectively as possible. Media is called as the fourth estate of any democratic state. In conflict zone like Kashmir where media and press are guarded by national interest and gun culture, presenting truth as objectively as possible is important, otherwise you can mislead your audience for short term gain which may result in long term repercussions.

Whenever there is conflict in any part of earth, it is media which portrays its real image. Media has become a powerful institution nowadays, apart from being the medium of communicating news and so on. The huge strength of the press is the product of its long history of development and continual struggle for freedom of expression.

Indian media can be credited with taking on the issues of corruption, communalism, and dowry system etc. thus upholding the very spirit of fourth estate of democracy but when it comes to Kashmir, brazen facts were overshadowed by the clouds of national interest. The reportage in Kashmir is mostly from a government perspective. A survey shows that 78% of journalists had their sources in the government and only 7% depended on other local sources.

During the land row agitation in 2008, national newspapers, national news channels at first telecasted the whole turmoil but later abruptly stopped that and even the local media had to face restrictions in telecasting the situation; the circulation of news papers were stopped at that time about for a week. Imposing such restrictions on media, Press Council of India in1954 recommended that government handout must not be supplemented by classifying essential points necessary for the proper understanding of the issues. The fact on the ground is whether Indian media has been able to portray Kashmir issue in its right perspective to its audience in India on the international scene.

The newspapers sometimes have played with the emotions of the public by publishing the pictures of death and gory but sometimes there is not even a mention of major human rights abuse incidents. The local media, which mostly comprises of the print media, has also shown no consistency in reporting the human rights abuses. In the earlier years of armed uprising almost all the newspapers carried the reports of human rights excesses but now they have to rely on the official press releases for reporting about the daily killings.

A leading national news channel New Delhi Television (NDTV) telecasted the snowfall in Kashmir on the day when Zahid Farooq of Brain Nishat was brutally killed by a BSF personnel on the orders of his commandant. Thus, diverting the attention of people of Kashmir and outer world. Media persons in Kashmir state the reason for this inconsistency as the threat, intimidation and insecurity from both the militants and security forces.

No doubt media persons here are working under fear. It is a fact that some persons have lost their lives as well. In  August 2001, Hindustan Times photographer Pradeep Bhatia died in a car bomb attack in Srinagar and nine others were injured. There are very other cases in which journalists have lost their lives and were injured while covering crisis scenes but somebody has to get the pain to bring out the reality.

 But unfortunately Indian media has not only tarnished its own credibility, it has also failed to serve the Indian state’s vital interest as well - that of keeping its people informed of the happening in Kashmir.

India’s well known writer and booker prize winner Arundhati Roy says, “Indian media is suffering from schizophrenia as its reports portrays zero reflection about the reality in J&K. Indian media is busy in painting a rosy picture of normalcy, which is absolutely false.” Another writer Cooper writes that media can make of the terrorist “a saint or a monster”.

One lost Paradise             

Waseem Gashroo

Whenever any non state subject person thinks of Kashmir, suddenly he imagines and portrays its vision, thinks either violence or the beauty. Regarded as the paradise on earth because of its charming beauty which attracts the minds of lakhs of tourists every year, forcing them to become uninvited guests. But that beauty is vanishing day by day now, people living in trauma, ailing hearts, weeping mothers, dried eyes of fathers who lost their loved ones, witness roads of bloodbath narrates a different story of the lost paradise.

In August last year I got a chance to leave Kashmir for my higher education, I hoped for a change. Every Kashmiri was witnessing sorrow and pain because their motherland was in the midst of destruction. In past three months I saw youth being killed, protests and stone pelting everywhere, arrests and harassments, the funerals of the unsung heroes who died while fighting. I felt what can I do to tackle this mess but situation worsened killings and unrest made life difficult to live there, I became selfish and wanted to escape, and I did. But for more two months Kashmir remained in the headlines and although I was thousands of miles away, I found myself in the middle of it all again.

I was born in Kashmir. I belong to a place known for hospitality around the globe, were love of people cherish the hearts and minds of people. The place which has history of composite culture and religious tolerance. In fact, Islam did not arrive in Kashmir through the clatter of the sword. It was introduced by mystics and Sufis who conquered the hearts of the people. Where one Hindu neighbor greets his Muslim neighbor on Eid and vice versa, where brotherhood survives since centuries without any discrimination on basis of religion, caste, creed or colour. I got birth in the same era of arrival of militancy, being a kid I witnessed outbreak of turmoil and confusion. I grew up in the situation where most of the male family members used to go underground to avoid arrests with or without any reason. The place I belong to is on the banks of river Jhelum on the banks I dreamed a happy and joyful life and even prayed for the return of peace.

The first bomb explosion that rocked Kashmir in 1988. People thought it was the outcome of a small political feud, although everybody knew the pot was boiling after years of political discontent. Then that September a young man, Ajaz Dar, died in a violent encounter with the police. Going against the Indian rule, the heat of anger since decades gave an outburst, a group of young Kashmiri rebels had decided to fight against the tyranny. They had dreamt of an independent Kashmir free from both India and Pakistan. Although this young man was not the first Kashmiri to die fighting for this cause, his death was the beginning of an era of tragedy. This dream is still alive and after two decades young and old, male and female still demands the independence.

The death of Shaheed Maqbool Bhatt gave rise to the outbreak. People felt the word “LAW” only remains in the books and are never implemented in the practical life, even Maqbool Bhatt himself said “my death will bring revolution in Kashmir” and his words proved fatal. Even the India's most wanted Kashmiri militant leader and chief of united jihad council, Syed Salahudin, contested the assembly election from Srinagar, nor that, unofficially, he was winning by a good margin. When the elections were rigged, he lost not only the election but faith in the process as well. His polling agents and supporters were arrested and tortured; most of them later became militants. Violence was introduced amid growing dissent against India and hundreds of young people joined the armed movement. Kashmir was changing.

I had just started schooling; the surrounding situation seemed disturbing the education system and every sphere of life, I took it as in childish mood because imagining such a huge political disturbance was not an easy job at the age of five or six. Then gradually I became conscious about the happening around me I came to know through my family member that we had an uncle who became victim of enforced disappearance in early nineties. That was a chocking incident in our family; every family member searched him from pillar to post but all in vain, every morning, each one of us would do the rounds of the security force camps to look for him. Authorities first submitted he is in our custody then later on refused to accept the fact. When I witnessed the tragic brutality of occupied forces in mid nineties, I was in the age of about 9 or 10 when army ruthlessly beat whole of our family at our home when we protested their demands to arrest our second uncle. This was the time when every Kashmiri was seen as a suspect, suspect because so called AFSPA (armed forces special powers act) was labeled in entire valley and few parts of Jammu region.  In “disturbed areas” the army and paramilitary forces are granted sweeping powers of arrest, search without warrants under section 4 of the armed forces (Jammu & Kashmir) powers act, 1990. The special powers extended by these laws are the objects of great misuse.

Dozens of people used to kill every day labeling as terrorists or protesters. The Azadi (Freedom) sentiment was seen in everyone, some initiated by guns and some by supporting their cause. . The movement was the only topic of discussion among people, Soon people started coming out onto the streets, thousands would march to the historic jamia masjid or to the United Nations office, shouting slogans in favour of ' Azadi!' (Freedom). The majority of Kashmiris never felt that they belonged to India. These mass protests became an everyday affair.

As the death toll of Kashmiris mounted, the world saw the violent movement only as the outcome of territorial dispute between India and Pakistan which had its roots in the 1947 partition. For India, the future of Kashmir is non-negotiable - it is an 'integral part' of the country, the only Muslim majority state in the union and thus a cornerstone of its democracy and secular credentials. India always called the rebellion a Pakistan-sponsored terrorist movement, while Pakistan projected it as a jihad - a Kashmiri struggle to join Pakistan just because they shared a common faith. For Pakistan, Kashmir is also important because the majority of its population is Muslim - it is Pakistan's 'jugular vein', and an unfinished task from the subcontinent's partition in which Pakistan was born as a home for Indian Muslims. With these claims on Kashmir, both countries have choked the voice of Kashmiris. The Indian government has reacted with an iron fist, deployed large numbers of security men and turned Kashmir into one massive jail.

I remember the night when security forces cordoned off our village and made announcement of crackdown on loudspeakers, the chilling winter breeze almost stopped the breath of people, for two consecutive days, our village school ground was made a massive  jail without roof.

I still have the nightmare that shakes me. The tough time our family had in 90’s. I narrate the situations to my friends what our family have gone through. Loss of family member, torture and harassments to other members. I was wondering when dawn of hope and peace will arrive. This is tragic story of only one family, thousands of other families in Kashmir have also gone through. Families of such disappeared families united together under the banner of APDP (association of parents for disappeared persons) to bring their loved ones back home.

Kashmir was turned into battlefield, its warriors brought in the agendas to transcend the demand for self-determination. In the process, the genuine political struggle for the unification of Kashmir and the demand of the people that they should be allowed to decide their own future was forgotten. Kashmir was given a flashpoint between two countries and not because Kashmiris were suffering. In fact, it seems that both countries want to fight to the last Kashmiri.

I still remember my grandmother worrying about other family members, I remember my mother’s scratch on her legs when she was participating in a pro-Azadi rally were paramilitary forces used baton charge to disperse protesters. I also remember my father shouting in pain that was given by security forces during interrogations. I remember the evening when security forces opened fire in our kitchen. I am the witness to all this, I have seen Kashmir change.

State elections in 1996 apparently aimed at ensuring a representative government in Kashmir. But actually it was nothing more than a farce. The security forces herded people to polling stations and even conducted 'nail parades' to check - by the indelible ink pasted on the nail of the forefinger - that people had voted. I saw people playing ‘hide and seek’ with security forces to avoid dubious election process.

The man who represents Kashmir - not only in New Delhi, but across the world as India's union minister- is Farooq Abdullah, the son of Kashmir's legend Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. Last year in 2010 during the mass uprising he was seen addressing a gathering In one of state, saying “Kashmir bharat ka ek atoot anng hai, aur hum who hissa bhi wapas lenge jo humse batware ke waqt cheena gaya tha”,(Kashmir is a vital part of India and we want our Kashmir back that was occupied at the time of partition) it seemed a patriotic thoughts were made but just after few days when he was quizzed by journalists about the situation in Kashmir, his comments were “Kashmir ko goli maaro”, the coercion by the police and the security forces that made media gagged in Kashmir over such comments. The publication of newspapers was stopped, because if such words made their place it may harm the dignity of the minister. Who he does actually represent, nobody knows.

Kashmir used to be known as a crime-free state. My parents told me that the average yearly murder rate in Kashmir before the unrest was three or four. Today, if two people perish in a day, it is considered peaceful.

By 1992, there were hardly any young men left in the few villages in north Kashmir around my home. Many had joined the militant movement. Some had died, while others had gone underground; some had surrendered and become counter-insurgents and were part of the pro-government militias. Many had migrated to the urban area of Srinagar city, which was then deemed comparatively safe. The complexion of the separatist movement was changing fast, and it no longer represented the genuine political aspirations of the people. The pro-Pakistan jihadi groups who dominated the movement tried to impose their radical religious, social and cultural agendas, ignoring the fact that their extremism was alien to the very ethos of Kashmir. The power of the gun for sometime showed a glimpse of hope to the Kashmiris but they were unaware of the consequence. Claiming 1.2 lakh lives in two decades was enough to seduce the movement but still it’s not enough.

I matriculated from a school which has its roots connected to Jamaat e Islami, the organization which was regarded as the core agency behind the introduction of militancy. I was given Islamic knowledge as well but was never introduced with any of extremist or militant group.

I too wanted to join, though I didn't know exactly why or what it would lead to. I was a teenager and had not seriously thought about the consequences. Perhaps the rebel image was subconsciously attracting me. I wanted a change, a change that could lead us towards far then destruction. The young mind never thought of aftermath. I stopped killing my emotions thinking we have lost one not another now.

The militant movement was rendered a mere tool in Pakistan's plan to bleed its arch-rival India with a thousand cuts.

It was mere chance that I got admission into journalism for my bachelors program. And when I started writing about the unrest later after a year, I felt that I had been part of this tragic story from the beginning. I knew the militants and the mukhbirs (the police informers); those who surrendered and those who did not; those who faced death because they had a dream and those who were sacrificed by mere chance, neither knowing nor understanding the issues at stake; those who believed they were fighting a holy war and those who joined for unholy reasons. But, as it turned out, there was more to the story.

I wrote my first write-up for a local daily entitling “role of media in conflict zone Kashmir” I got a chance to know my paradise well through the literature, whenever I researched for write-ups. The feedback enhanced me to write more about the war.

A few months later the lull in guns turned into mass uprising, being a media student and a Kashmir born I witnessed the strikes, rallies, killings, harassments once again but it was new era, this time I was not handcuffed, I used my camera to trap down the situation, I used my pen to narrate the situation. This time guns were silent and voice were raised by common people. Separatist camp used to run the entire valley; organizing rallies and strikes paralyzed routine life. On 11 august, 2008 separatists organized a rally towards Muzzaffarabad (P.O.K) against the economic blockade by some Hindu radicals in Jammu, who also claimed the lives of about ten Kashmiri drivers carrying food materials to the valley from various parts of country. Tens and thousands of people participated; I was one among them, the trap laid by police and security forces to restrict demonstrators to move forwards at “Chahal” lead to one more massacre. Leaving about six civilians dead including senior Hurriyat leader Sheikh Abdul Aziz and scores of others injured. I arrived at the site of a massacre to find wailing women and unshaven men sitting in huddles. Bodies lay scattered, like rag dolls discarded by careless children. I felt a lump growing in my throat, my legs felt heavy. I felt incredibly tired and wanted to throw down my notebook and sit silently with the mourners. The noise of the camera shutters invaded my private thoughts, forcing me to think about the moral duty I have to perform.

The continuous interaction with death and destruction was providing a necessary thrill, and the killing fields of Kashmir were becoming nothing but news pastures. Later on entire Kashmir was made a massive jail imposing curfew and restrictions on the human movement for consecutive eleven days.

The killings haven’t stopped yet, last year’s uprising claimed 115 lives. The younger one was just eight years old he was carrying a stone in his hand against the armed policemen that made him to lose his life. It has become easier now for police to kill a Kashmiri then labeling him as a stone pelter. When violence rules the day, there is nothing but tears to jerk out of the reader's soul. Today, there are more than 500 martyrs' graveyards dotting Kashmir, and every epitaph standing on a grave tells a story - a tragic story of unsung heroes. Engraving epitaphs has become a lucrative business. In the process, my reactions to such incidents also began to change. I could no longer relate to these tragedies.

I belong to Kashmir's cursed generation - the youth of the Nineties. I have lived all these troubled years in Kashmir and am still well and alive. But in the process my tears have dried up. I have lost normal human feelings in the midst of my profession. I am immune to the death of my own people; I have developed an inability to mourn.

And it seems that the outside world too is unable to feel the pain of Kashmir. Kashmir is like a trading market now, where everyone tries his luck. One Kashmir is divided into three parts one occupied by Pakistan, another by china and rest under India.  After more than 150,000 deaths, there still appears to be no headway towards peace. Nobody knows the actual identity of a Kashmiri. The international community needs to resolve issues between India and Pakistan. The pain and agony is crushed under the policy of development, it is necessary to make end to this menace, it is imperative to end the suffering of the Kashmiri people.

---- Ends -----